Mujeres y Movidas

Executive Summary

NOTE: This research was funded through the CAWP Research Grant initiative.

• A record number of Latinas ran for national office as major party candidates and won in 2018, 2020, and 2022 (51 in 2018, 75 in 2020, and 88 in 2022); and by 2023 the number of Latinas elected to Congress grew from 10 (2018) to 20 (2023). At the beginning of the 118th congressional session in January 2023, 19 Latinas were serving in national office as voting members of Congress.1 This included 18 Latinas in the U.S. House of Representatives (13D, 5R) and one Latina Democrat in the U.S. Senate.
   
• Despite the gains made in the last three general elections, Latinas are vastly underrepresented within national politics. In 2022 Latinas constituted over 9% of the total U.S. population, over 18% of all women in the U.S., and half of the largest racial/ethnic minority community in the U.S.; however, they represented just 2.8% of the entire congressional body. Among these women is Senator Catherine Cortez Masto from Nevada — the only Latina ever elected to the U.S. Senate.
   
• The volume and diversity of Latina congressional candidates grew in 2018, 2020, and 2022. While Latina congressional candidates continue to be concentrated in the Democratic party, an increasing number of Latina Republicans ran for office and won, particularly in 2020 and 2022. The ascendance of the Trump administration, and particularly the targeting of fundamental rights including immigration and reproductive rights, served as mobilizing factor for both Latina Democrats and Republicans.
   
• As the number of Latina candidates running for national office grew in 2018, 2020, and 2022, so too did the number of Latinas running against other Latinas and against other women of color. These intra-racial challenges most commonly occurred in districts where Latina Republicans were advanced as challengers against recently elected Latina Democrats. In the preponderance of such cases the Republican challenger lacked political experience, professional capacity, and fundraising, ultimately leading to their defeat; however, the frequency with which this occurred suggested a problematic weaponizing of intersectionality. Moreover, the likelihood that these intra-racial challenges will continue to occur signals a new concern for the longevity and re-election of Latinas in Congress.
   
• California and Texas remain the epicenter of Latina candidate emergence with half of all Latinas who ran for Congress in 2018, 2020, and 2022 emerging from the two states.  While more Latina congressional candidates have emerged from Texas and their numbers have increased significantly over the past three election cycles – especially among Republicans running in 2020 and Democrats running in 2022 – Latina candidates from California have been far more successful in winning election and re-election to national office.
   

Despite partisan differences, Latina congressional candidates in both states shared a number of similar experiences, obstacles, opportunities, and concerns about their campaigns and the election process revealed in interviews with two dozen candidates and professionals supporting their candidacies conducted over the past two years. Recurring themes from these interviews revolved around the significance or race, gender, and intersectionality among candidates’ identities, encounters with discrimination and political hostility, varying degrees of party support and the role of outside organizations, and the use of alternative organizing and mobilization strategies to support their campaigns.

¹ Republican Mayra Flores was elected to Congress from Texas during a special election in June 2022; however, she lost her re-election bid during regularly scheduled elections in November 2022. Thus, while there were 20 Latinas elected to Congress throughout the 2022 elections cycles, there were 19 voting members in office at the outset of the 118th congressional session in 2023.

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  Republican Mayra Flores was elected to Congress from Texas during a special election in June 2022; however, she lost her re-election bid during regularly scheduled elections in November 2022. Thus, while there were 20 Latinas elected to Congress throughout the 2022 elections cycles, there were 19 voting members in office at the outset of the 118th congressional session in 2023.

Introduction

Latinas figured prominently in the 2018, 2020, and 2022 general elections as major party candidates for political office, as political organizers, and as a key portion of the electorate in states with competitive races for Congress and governor’s offices. All three election cycles altered the political landscape, with significant increases in the volume and diversity of women of color running for national office as well as increasing the number who successfully won election to Congress  (CAWP 2022; Dittmar 2018, 2020a). A record number of Latinas ran for national office as major party candidates and won in each of these cycles. Specifically, 51 Latinas entered national races as candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives or the U.S. Senate in 2018 and 12 won; 75 ran in 2020 and 13 won; and 88 ran in both regular and special elections in 2022 and 20 won. At the beginning of the 118th congressional session in January 2023, 19 Latinas were serving in national office as voting members of Congress.1 This included 18 Latinas in the U.S. House of Representatives (13 D, 5 R) and 1 U.S. senator. Put another way, in just five years – between 2017 and 2023 – the number of Latina candidates for Congress grew by more than 50% and the number of Latinas elected to Congress as voting members doubled from 10 to 20. (Acevedo 2020; Dittmar 2020b, 2022; Krogstad, Flores, Lopez 2018; Sampaio 2018a).

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  Republican Mayra Flores was elected to Congress from Texas during a special election in June 2022; however, she lost her re-election bid during regularly scheduled elections in November 2022. Thus, while there were 20 Latinas elected to Congress throughout the 2022 elections cycles, there were 19 voting members in office at the outset of the 118th Congressional session in 2023.

For Latinas, California and Texas serve as the epicenter of these political changes, with more than half of all Latina candidates running for national office emerging from these two states. However, California and Texas represent two vastly different political landscapes with Latina Democratic candidates and representatives outnumbering Republicans in California while a growing bloc of Latina Republican candidates have outpaced Democrats seeking election to national office from Texas.

Despite the gains made in the most recent elections and the increasing public profile of individual Latinas serving in office, the numbers of Latinas in the House and Senate consistently falls far below parity. In 2022 Latinas constituted over 9% of the total U.S. population, over 18% of all women in the U.S., and half of the largest racial/ethnic minority community in the U.S.; however, they represented just 2.8% of the entire congressional body. Among this group of women is U.S. Senator Catherine Cortez Masto from Nevada — the only Latina ever elected to the U.S. Senate. With 19 Latinas currently serving in Congress (14 Democrats and 5 Republicans), Latinas are vastly underrepresented within national politics. This is particularly important because Congress retains plenary power over issues such as immigration (and the vast array of topics subsumed under that theme including admissions, citizenship, detention, deportation, enforcement, workforce authorization and access to important public services). Excluding Latinas from national office not impacts the ability of Latina/o/x communities to be democratically represented, it erases their voice on key issues that disproportionately impact the population. 

A goal of this research is to help close the representation gap in Congress by examining the historic elections of 2018, 2020, and 2022 and evaluating both the emergence and experiences of Latina congressional candidates. Drawing on empirical data as well as interviews with over two dozen Latina congressional candidates and political professionals in both California and Texas during the 2018, 2020, and 2022 election cycles, this research examines patterns in Latina candidate emergence, paying particular attention to the political development of Latina candidates, partisan differences, as well as significant variations in access and support across states and districts. The research also examines alternative strategies and channels of support that emerged among Latina candidates and between women running in 2018, 2020, and 2022. Interview data was supplemented with information from public databases including Ballotpedia, the U.S. Census, Vote Smart, Open Secrets, as well as candidate profiles compiled by the Center for American Women in Politics (CAWP) and candidate web sites.

Ultimately, the research draws lessons from Latina congressional candidates and officeholders in 2018, 2020, and 2022 that will help address the representation gap and increase opportunities for Latina candidates seeking national office across the country. The research is presented here in two parts: Part I highlights Latina candidate emergence in 2018, 2020, and 2022, drawing from trends in data collected during these election cycles as well as qualitative interviews with congressional members and candidates; Part II explores candidate experiences across key themes drawing more thoroughly on interview data. These interviews were conducted both in person and over Zoom from July 2020 through September 2022 with Latina congressional members, candidates and political professionals from both California and Texas. In total, 20 interviews were collected with Latina congressional members or candidates, including fifteen Democrats and five Republicans. Four of the interviews were conducted with congresswomen currently serving in office. An additional four interviews were conducted with political professionals involved in part of an individual candidate’s campaign. All quotes provided in this report are drawn from those original interviews and all interview subjects consented to being interviewed and quoted in accordance with university research protocol governing the collection of data for the project.

¹ Republican Mayra Flores was elected to Congress from Texas during a special election in June 2022; however, she lost her re-election bid during regularly scheduled elections in November 2022. Thus, while there were 20 Latinas elected to Congress throughout the 2022 elections cycles, there were 19 voting members in office at the outset of the 118^th Congressional session in 2023.

Latina Candidate Emergence in 2018, 2020, and 2022

Increasing Numbers and Diversity of Latinas Candidates Vying for National Office

The midterm election of 2018 was a milestone for Latina congressional candidates, many drawn to the political process by an increasingly hostile political environment that targeted immigrants and Latina/o/x communities with racialized rhetoric and restrictive policies. More Latinas successfully ran for national office in 2018 than in any prior general election and their success proved significant to the shift in political power, particularly Democrats securing control over the House of Representatives during the height of the Trump administration. For Latinas, 2018 was also a groundbreaking election where candidates such as Michelle Lujan Grisham of New Mexico became the first Democratic Latina (and Democratic woman of color) elected governor in the U.S., Democrat Alexandria Ocasio Cortez (NY-14) became the youngest elected member, Debbie Mucarsel-Powell of Florida (FL-27) flipped a traditionally Republican seat and became the first South American Latina elected to Congress, and Democrats Veronica Escobar (TX-16) and Sylvia Garcia (TX-29) became the first Latinas elected to the U.S. House of Representatives from Texas. In total, 51 Latinas ran for Congress in 2018 and twelve were ultimately elected (or re-elected) to national office. Finally, it was an election where record numbers of Latinas became part of the electoral process as advocates, fundraisers, donors, campaign staff, commentators, canvassers, organizers, and voters (Krogstad, Flores, Lopez 2018; Sampaio 2018a). As Congresswoman Sylvia Garcia (TX-29) succinctly noted: “1992 was declared the year of the woman in politics, and it was a big year for women in politics. But…truly, 2018 was the year of the woman of color.”

While 2018 proved to be a defining election year for women of color generally and Latinas specifically, the volume and diversity of Latina candidates running for national office in both 2020 and 2022 surpassed the records set in 2018 (CAWP, 2020). By July 2020, 75 Latinas had filed as candidates for national office, compared with 51 in 2018. This included 72 (39D, 33R) Latina candidates running for the U.S. House and 3 (2D, 1R) Latina candidates for the U.S. Senate. This group of Latinas represented an even more diverse field than 2018 with almost half (45%) running as Republicans, far surpassing the 35% of Latinas who ran as Republicans for Congress in the 2018 midterm.

In both the 2018 and 2020 election cycles, Latina congressional candidates were most likely to emerge from districts with a large Latina/o/x population and to be successful when more than 2/3 of the district was Latina/o/x. Congressional districts where Latina congressional candidates competed ranged in demographic composition from a low of 13.2% Latina/o/x population in California’s 4th congressional district to a high of 87.6% Latina/o/x in the state’s 40th congressional district. On average, Latinas/os/xs comprised more than half the population in the congressional districts where Latina candidates emerged in both 2018 and 2020. In districts where Latina candidates won (either as incumbents or newly elected candidates), the Latina/o/x population represented more than 70% of the district. This pattern held true in both California and Texas; however, the size of the Latina/o/x population in the congressional districts where Latinas won in 2018 and 2020 was 78.4% as opposed to an average of 71% in California. In short, Latina candidates were more likely to emerge from districts with a majority Latina/o/x population and more likely to win when the population constituted more than 70% of the district.

Despite the concentration of Latina candidates in districts with a large Latina/o/x population, there was a growing diversity of districts where Latinas emerged as candidates during the 2018 and 2020 elections cycles. In 2020 nearly a quarter (24%) of all Latina candidates emerged from non-traditional states where the Latina/o/x electorate constituted less than 30% of voters including Georgia, Indiana, Kansas, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, North Carolina, Oregon, Tennessee, and Washington (Sampaio 2018b). While none of the Latina candidates from non-traditional states were successful in their congressional bids in 2020, their campaigns laid the groundwork for even more geographic diversity in 2022.

The Trump administration served as a lightning rod for the mobilization of Latina candidates and organizers  across the political spectrum particularly in 2018 and 2020. Several Latina Democrats reflected on Trump’s election and specifically the threats to fundamental rights that his administration forecast as a motivating factor to run or to expand their role in electoral politics. For example, Representative Veronica Escobar (TX-16) noted: 

“I worked on the Hillary campaign, and so that election night was devastating. It was horrific, it was a nightmare, and I just remember thinking, ‘Oh my God, we've got to do everything we can to stop this man and to make sure he doesn't win a second term, and to protect vulnerable communities like ours.’ I saw that through my lens of being a county judge and thought about ways that we could stop the administration from harming our community…it was Trump that made me feel like somebody running toward war. You know, I've never served in the military and I don't, in any way, shape, or form mean to equate serving in Congress with serving in a war, but that impetus and that feeling of having to run toward a conflict to try to be on the good guy team, it was overwhelming, and it was overwhelming in large part because of what Trump was doing to my community, to immigrants, to people of color, to women…Running for a fight.”

These sentiments of urgency and preparing for a fight coupled with the concern for protecting marginalized communities and fundamental rights were shared by Jana Sanchez, a 2018 Democratic candidate who ran in Texas’ 6th congressional district.

“I am the daughter of a Mexican immigrant to the U.S. I grew up in a rural area of Texas where most people became Trump supporters, and I was absolutely and completely shocked by the election of Donald Trump. I spent 18 years living in Europe, so I was pretty blissfully unaware of what had been happening back in the states while I was gone. I didn't really understand how horrendously bad things were going, and I still didn't, when I made that decision to run. And I'm going to be completely honest, it was a really stupid decision, on so many levels. I had no idea what I was getting into. The truth is, I was so shocked that Trump won, and that night, I couldn't sleep the whole night. I was up texting with friends in Europe. I was really freaked out.

I really felt like… a member of the French resistance. I mean, that idea of being a resister really resonated with me. I was up all-night texting with friends, even though I had to fly the next day for work. They were all saying, 'You have to come back to Europe. You have to get out of that country. That's crazy. How can you live in a country that would elect Donald Trump?' And I was very weak and emotional.

The next morning, I called a friend of mine who is very active in politics in D.C. — she had been the head of the Democratic Leadership Council. I called her and I said, 'Okay, I have to dedicate my life to fixing this.' I had a very great life...a really nice life for myself...and I said, 'I have to dedicate my life to helping save America. I think maybe I need to get a job as a spokesperson for the Democratic Party, or go to work for Planned Parenthood or the ACLU, something like that.' And my friend said to me, 'You have to run for office.' I said, 'that's crazy.' I literally laughed. I remember laughing out loud when she said that, and she said, 'No, you have to run, because you can win. You know how to win.'

Because my whole career has been in communication – first fundraising and then journalism and then PR – so I thought I knew everything I needed to know about running. So, I decided to run. There were a lot of women like me – it sounds crazy now – but at the time it didn't sound crazy.”

Among Latina Republicans, the ascendance of the Trump administration elicited a mixed reaction from enthusiastic support for his message and the opportunity to advance conservative issues, to open ambivalence and a deep hesitancy to embrace Trump’s hostility toward Latina/o/x immigrants. Candidates such as Jazmina Saavedra, 2018 Republican candidate who ran in California’s 44th congressional district, echoed the more ardent advocates of Trump:

"Well, in my case at least, I was involved in Latinos for Trump. I'm one of the co-founders of the Latinos for Trump here in California. So, the anger of seeing our values attacked and everything – our economy, our Christian values, our family values – I start talking with people, people saw a leadership on me and they encouraged me to go and make a decision and run."

While the Trump administration was clearly a factor among Democrats and Republicans, for many Latina Democrats in 2018 and 2020, it wasn’t the administration alone but the aggressive movement toward racism, sexism, xenophobia, and the targeting of vulnerable communities that had long been at the core of their interests that motivated them to run.

“There were other factors that made me feel like there was an urgency…seeing just how unfair the system is to communities like mine. So, just as an example, infrastructure money. Richer communities or wealthier communities get more money because they can put up more of a match. You know, when you're competing for funds and the federal government says, ‘Oh, if it's $100, I'll send you $60 if you put up $40.’ Well in a poor community, we don't have the $40 to begin with. So, there were things for me that played a role in my wanting to not just go after Trump and serve, but, through governing, change systemic issues that perpetuate inequality and inequity.” (Interview with Democratic U.S. Representative Veronica Escobar [TX-16])

During the 2022 midterm elections, Latina congressional candidates once again broke records as 88 Latinas ran for national office as majority party candidates, including 85 candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives (43D, 42R), and 3 Latina candidates vying for the U.S. Senate (1D, 2R) (Dittmar 2022). While the field of Latina candidates running for Congress has historically been concentrated in the Democratic party, in 2022 Latina Republicans running for Congress outpaced the field of Latina Democrats (43D, 45R). Approximately a third (32%) of Latina Republican candidates emerged from Texas alone, followed by Florida and Arizona.

The emergence of Latina Republican candidates from Texas drew significant political attention in 2022, with multiple news reports predicting a “brown wave” and speculating about an historic realignment among Latina candidates as well as Latina/o/x voters (Brownstein 2023; Hinckley 2022; Zhou 2022; Zitner & Mena 2022). A particularly bright spot for the Republican party of Texas emerged in a special election in June 2022, when Mayra Flores became the first Latina Republican candidate elected to Congress from the 34th congressional district. Representative Flores, whose seat had been redistricted to favor Republican voters subsequent to the 2020 census, lost her bid for re-election during the November 2022 general election to incumbent Democrat Vicente Gonzalez Jr. Despite Flores’ defeat, two additional Latina Republican candidates won primaries in Texas in 2022 — Monica De La Cruz (TX-15) and Cassy Garcia (TX-28). Of the two additional Latina Republican congressional candidates who emerged from the primary, only De La Cruz was successful in the general election, becoming the fourth Latina from Texas elected to the U.S. House of Representatives and second Latina Republican elected from the state in 2022. Overall, while the number of Latina Republican candidates emerging from Texas remained the same between 2020 and 2022, these candidates became more competitive owing in large part to an increase in financing and political support. I discuss these competitive advantages in greater detail in the next sections.

Despite the public fascination with Latina Republican candidate in 2022, the most significant increase among Latina congressional candidates in Texas came from a surge of Latina Democrats in the state motivated by a growing Democratic electorate and increased mobilization of Latina/o/x communities across the region. In particular, Latina Democrats competing in congressional elections from Texas more than doubled (from 6 in 2020 to 14 in 2022) while the number of Latina Republicans remained the same between 2020 and 2022.

From Latina Advantage to Weaponized Intersectionality: Intra-racial Challenges Grow Along with Number of Latina Congressional Candidates

As the number of Latina candidates running for national office grew in 2018, 2020, and 2022, so too did the number of Latinas running against other Latinas and against other women of color. Until recently, there were so few women running for Congress that cases where women faced-off against each other as challengers in the same district were rare enough to warrant national media attention. Campaigns in which women of color challenged other women of color for national office were virtually non-existent. However, in 2020 in California alone, 45% of Latina congressional candidates were involved in campaigns against other Latinas or other women of color, and in Texas, 33% of Latina candidates faced challenges from other Latinas.

In both California and Texas, these intra-racial challenges occurred most commonly in districts where Latina Republicans were advanced as challengers against recently elected Latina Democrats. In the preponderance of such cases the Republican challenger lacked political experience, professional capacity, and fundraising, ultimately leading to their defeat. Such was the case in 2018 in California’s 44^th congressional district where Democratic incumbent U.S. House Representative Nanette Barragan faced off against two Latina Republicans (Stacey Dash and Jazmina Saavedra), and won re-election. Similarly, in 2020 in Texas, in both the 16th and 20th congressional districts, newly-elected Democratic Representatives Veronica Escobar and Sylvia Garcia faced challenges from two Latina Republicans (Irene Armendariz-Jackson and Jaimy Blanco respectively). Republican Irene Armendariz-Jackson described the process of being recruited to run and specifically to challenge Escobar in the 16^th congressional district by a Republican Texas state party representative:

"In 2018 I received a call from the Republican Party of Texas [RPT] at that time…we were just kind of talking about what had happened in Dallas [during the 2018 midterm elections] and stuff, and that's when it was brought up that I should consider running. It was from a Mexican-born U.S. naturalized political consultant that was helping the RPT at the time. Because the incumbent [Representative Escobar]…that was her first time that she ran for Congress and she won, but it's more — she's a Hispanic woman. She’s very deep into politics that has been her entire professional career being a politician. I don't come from a political background, but the reason I ran and considered it was because I was asked.”

Both Irene Armendariz-Jackson and Jaimy Blanco were defeated in the general election and both Representatives Escobar and Garcia subsequently won re-election.  

These intra-racial match-ups also occurred in congressional districts with open seats and a sizable Latina/o/x electorate that drew several candidates to the race. These resulted in Latina Democrats challenging each other (particularly in California’s open primary where the top two candidates advance to the general election), as well as Latina Democrats facing off against Latina Republicans. For example, in 2020 in California’s 53rd congressional district (in the seat vacated by former Democrat Susan Davis), where Latinas/os/xs constitute more than 34% of the population, Democrat Georgette Gómez faced Democrat Annette Meza along with over a dozen other challengers that included additional women of color. Gómez was successful in the primary and advanced to the general election but ultimately lost the race to Democrat Sara Jacobs. Similarly, in 2018 in Texas, the race to replace Democrat Beto O’Rourke in the 16th congressional district where 80% of the population are Latina/o/x, drew six Democratic candidates (including both Veronica Escobar and Norma Chavez) as well as two Republican candidates (including Alicia Garcia-Ureste). Escobar eventually won in 2018, becoming, with Democrat Sylvia Garcia, the first two Latinas congressional members elected from the state of Texas.

As noted above, in 2022, the emergence of Latina Republican candidates from Texas drew significant political attention as 14 Latina Republicans ran for the House of Representatives across seven congressional districts. However, the vast preponderance of these Latina Republicans (79%) ran against another Latina challenger. While the 14 Latina Republicans running did not represent an increase over the number of Latina Republicans who ran in 2020, these candidates were more competitive and ultimately more successful in their races, owing in large part to their increased political experience, professional networks of support, and fundraising. In addition, several of the Latina Republicans who ran in 2022 did so in congressional districts that were either newly constructed or heavily redistricted by the Republican controlled Texas state legislature after the 2020 census. That redistricting process heavily favored Republican candidates.

For example, in Texas’s 15th congressional district, Latina Republican Monica De La Cruz and Latina Democrat Michelle Vallejo competed against each other in a newly redistricted open seat in the Lower Rio Grande Valley where Latinas/os/xs constitute more than 83% of the population. De La Cruz had previously run for Congress in 2018 (as Monica De La Cruz-Hernandez) against Democratic incumbent Vincent Gonzalez Jr.; she was handily defeated by Gonzalez as she lacked prior political experience and underperformed in fundraising. In particular, in 2018 De La Cruz raised only $345K, of which three-quarters of the funds came from a single large contribution and the remaining balance was largely self-financed. However, by June 30, 2022, with significant support from both the Republican Party of Texas and Republican National Committee, De La Cruz raised over $2.8 million dollars, including over $1.3million in large contributions and $278K in PAC contributions. Moreover, while filing data indicate that in 2020 there was a paltry $10K spent by independent expenditure groups against her Democratic opponent and $0 spent supporting her candidacy, in 2022 over $340K in independent expenditures was spent supporting her election. Republican De La Cruz eventually defeated Democrat Vallejo in the general election, becoming the fourth Latina from Texas elected to the U.S. House of Representatives and second Latina Republican elected in under a year.

Ultimately, the 2018, 2020, and 2022 election cycles brought forth an increase in Latina candidates from both the Democratic and Republican parties vying for national office but also a strategy of challenging incumbent Latinas by other Latina contenders. This occurred most frequently as emerging Latina Republicans candidates in California, Texas, and other states including Florida challenged incumbent Latina Democrats. While most of the Republican challengers were not competitive – lacking prior political experience, professional networks and capacity, and significant fundraising leading to their defeat – their challenge to incumbent Latinas signaled a new concern for the longevity and sustainability of Latinas in Congress. In this way the “Latina advantage” (Bejarano 2013) that some candidates have held – as women, as members of the Latina/o/x community, and as women of color – was simultaneously challenged (particularly for incumbent Latina congressional members) and weaponized (particularly within the Republican party). As Latina congressional candidates continue to emerge in both California and Texas and non-traditional states, we will likely see these types of intra-racial intersectional challenges repeated and expanded.

California and Texas Remain the Epicenter of Latina Congressional Candidates

The largest contingent of Latina congressional candidates has consistently emerged from California and Texas, owing both to the concentration of Latinas/os/xs in these states and their history as sites of Latina/o/x political organizing and mobilization. In 2018, 2020, and 2022 approximately half of all Latina congressional candidates (51% in 2018, 53% in 2020, and 49% in 2022) emerged from these two states. Latinas/os/xs constitute approximately 40% of the population in both California and Texas and are the largest racial/ethnic communities (Krogstad and Passel 2021). Moreover, among the districts where Latina congressional candidates emerged, the Latina/o/x population represented on average more than half the district.

However, the two states represent vastly different political landscapes, with California serving as a Democratic stronghold and Republicans dominating in Texas. This has resulted in significantly different histories, pathways, and outcomes for Latina congressional candidates. While more Latina congressional candidates have emerged from Texas, and their numbers have increased significantly over the past three election cycles – especially among Republicans running in the 2020 and Democrats running in 2022 – Latina candidates from California have been far more successful in winning election and re-election to national office. Despite competing in primarily Latina/o/x majority districts in 2022, Latina congressional candidates in Texas won in districts where Latinas/os/xs were 83% or greater of the population, whereas Latina congressional candidates in California won in districts with an average Latina/o/x population of 63%, suggesting that the threshold of Latina/o/x voters needed to secure a seat in Texas may have been higher in Texas than California.

Overall, California stands out as the most generative site for the election and re-election of Latinas to national office. In fact, “38.1% of all Latinas who have ever served as voting members of Congress representing California” (Dittmar 2022). This pattern held in the 2018, 2020, and 2022 election cycles. With five Latina incumbents running in both 2018 and 2020, Latina congressional candidates from California won in 45% of the general election races in the state in 2018 and 36% in 2020. This figure decreases to 29% with the retirement of Democrat Lucille Roybal-Allard in 2022. By comparison, Latina congressional candidates in Texas won in 13% of the races in 2018, 10% in 2020, and 11% in 2022. Reflecting the dominance of the Democratic party in California since the mid-1990s, all Latina congressional incumbents who ran in 2018, 2020, 2022 were Democrats. Only six Latina congressional candidates ran as Republicans in California between 2018 and 2022.

In Texas, Latinas have successfully ran and won election to local and statewide offices for decades(Bejarano 2013, García, Martinez-Ebers, Coronado, Navarro, and Jaramillo 2008, Navarro, Hernandez; Navarro 2016). However, despite this history of electoral success in local and state races, no Latina had successfully run for national office from Texas until 2018 when Democrats Veronica Escobar (TX-16) and Sylvia Garcia (TX-29) became the first Latina U.S. House Representatives elected from the state.

The prospects for Latina candidates in Texas changed significantly in 2020, as Texas eclipsed California in Latina candidate emergence for national office for the first time in history. With 22 Latina candidates running for national office in 2020 – including 14 Republican Latinas – Texas became an important battleground state for both parties and especially for national organizers seeking to turn out a broader electorate in the state and to mobilize Latina/o/x voters. Investments in the Latina/o/x electorate by the Republican party paid off, particularly in the Lower Rio Grande Valley, as exit polling indicate Trump garnered 29% of the Latina/o/x vote and Republicans won in areas like Zapata County, dominated by Latina/o/x voters, for the first time in 100 years (Cadava 2020; Herrera 2020; Latino Decisions Election Eve Poll 2020). However, these gains for Trump and the Republican party didn’t extend to the Latina Republican congressional candidates running for office in 2020 as all 14 lost.

Following the election of Republican Mayra Flores in the June 2022 special election, the emergence of Latina Republicans garnered national attention, leading many to speculate about a new wave of Republican support across the Latina/o/x electorate (and especially among Latinas) in 2022. In the end, the number of Latina Republicans running for Congress in 2022 from Texas remained the same as 2020 (14). The increased number of Latina candidates for Congress from Texas came from a surge in Latina Democrats running, more than doubling in size from 2020 to 2022 (from 6 to 14). By November 2022, there were twice as many Latina congressional candidates running for office in Texas than California (28 candidates in Texas, 14 in California); however, owing to the concentration of Latina candidates in select districts (particularly those with newly elected Latina Democrats and open seats), Latinas ran in virtually the same number of districts in both states (13 in Texas, 12 in California).

While the number of Latina Democratic candidates from Texas increased in 2022, Latina Republican candidates became more competitive, especially as their fundraising and support from large donors and independent expenditures increased and the districts were re-drawn after the 2020 census to favor Republican candidates. Three candidates concentrated in newly re-drawn districts in the Lower Rio Grande Valley – Monica De La Cruz (TX-15), Cassy Garcia (TX-28), and Mayra Flores (TX-24) – all won in primary elections and all faced off against other Latina or Latino Democratic challengers in general election races. Ultimately, both Garcia and Flores lost, while De La Cruz became the second Latina Republican elected to Congress from Texas. In the end, Latina congressional candidates emerging from Texas in 2022 were both more concentrated and more competitive.

Overall, the field of Latina congressional candidates increased significantly through the 2018, 2020, and 2022 general election cycles, with half the candidate field emerging from California and Texas. California continued to elect and re-elect more Latinas to Congress; however, more Latina candidates emerged from Texas during this period. Moreover, the state of Texas set records by electing their first two Latina congressional representatives in 2018 and the first two Latina Republican representatives in 2022. While the number of Latina Republicans running for Congress has grown in both states, Latina Democrats continue to dominate among congressional candidates in California.  By 2022, the California contingent of Latina congressional members had decreased from five to four with the retirement of Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard, while the Texas contingent had grown to three. Looking forward, as the Latina/o/x population continues to expand in both regions, and the field of Latinas with prior political experience continues to grow – especially at the county and state levels – the number of Latina congressional candidates in both California and Texas are likely to continue growing as well. Less clear is how the experiences of these future candidates will compare with those currently in office and previous candidates and whether they will receive the support needed to move from candidate to congressional member.

Despite differences in party and location, Latina congressional candidates in both California and Texas share a number of similar experiences, obstacles, opportunities, and concerns about their campaigns and the election process, as revealed in interviews with over two dozen candidates and professionals supporting their candidacies conducted over the past two years. Recurring themes from these interviews revolved around the significance or race, gender, and intersectionality among candidates’ identities, escalating forms of political violence, relationships with both major political parties, the impact of outside political organizations (particularly in fundraising), and the emergence of alternative strategies for organizing and mobilization to support their campaigns. These themes are explored in greater detail in the next section (Part II) highlighting the experiences of Latina congressional candidates as well as incumbent Latina congressional representatives during the in the 2018, 2020, and 2022 election cycles. This section pays particular attention to the obstacles and gaps in resources identified by Latina congressional candidates throughout the campaign process with an eye toward identifying prescriptions for addressing these shortcomings for future candidates.

Experiences of Latina Congressional Candidates in teh 2018, 2020, and 2022 Elections

“Bringing My Whole Self to the Campaign:” Intersectional Identities and Latina Candidates

Latina congressional candidates frequently articulated forms of intersectional identity when describing their political history and development within national politics. These forms of identity – while diverse in their particular manifestations and articulation – typically wove together elements of their personal history, with ethnicity, race, culture, national origins, gender identity, social and economic position, immigration status, religious identity/affiliation, language, and familial relationships. They provided a series of grounded perspectives drawn from lived experiences that informed key aspects of their professional development and political work — from candidacy to election. These articulations of identity were also foundations invoked in policy formation, issue advocacy, constituent relationships, and strategic decisions on how to spend their limited resources. Despite differences in political ideology and policy, the appeals to racial and ethnic identity, national origins, and community were pervasive across Latina candidates. In this way, Latina officeholders such as Democratic U.S. Representative Sylvia Garcia (TX-29) and candidates such as Republican Jazmina Saavedra (CA-44) actively constructed and advanced forms of “Latinidad” in discussing their identity and its impact on their political careers.

"It makes a difference who's in office. We bring different strengths. I'm a poor kid from South Texas. I have picked cotton and I have baled hay. We were on the commodity food program. I can tell you the taste of cheese, and oatmeal, and all that stuff they used to give us. So that's an experience that's so different — it takes everybody at the table, and it makes a difference.

For example [with the case of] Vanessa Guillén, who was my constituent, I worked really hard to make sure we got some changes made to the military justice code on sexual assault, and made sure that her family was treated right. Her family could have walked into any other office. They may not have had someone to speak to them in Spanish. They would maybe not have been as responsive. They may have sided with believing what the Army said and not really listening to the family. That's why it makes a difference." (Interview with Democratic U.S. Representative Sylvia Garcia [TX-29])

"I make the decision [to run] based on my heart, based on my value as a Christian woman, as an immigrant, because I didn't born here, I came from Nicaragua, from a communist country. I run away from a communist country looking for a better opportunity for a better life, for a freedom. And when I saw my freedom being attacked by other people, I say, ‘This is the time to fight. This is the time to do something for this country,’ a country that, to me, is my country. Even I came here when I was 19 years old, but I've been here for over 33 years. So, my daughters already born here, my granddaughters already born here. So, this is my country and I love the United States, maybe more than my original country.” (Interview with 2018 Republican candidate Jazmina Saavedra [CA-44])
 

As noted in Congresswoman’ Garcia’s reflections, the identities and personal histories of many Latinas manifest in their work and decision making, often providing strength, insights, and perspectives that allowed them to advocate for marginalized members of their districts. In other cases, the reflections on identity manifest in the recognition of their unique location as women of color and the intersecting modes of subordination at work in their lives that also weighed on their campaigns.

"Sometimes it's a bit overwhelming because how you are judged, the sexism, the racism, being a woman of color, just compounds all of those issues that while male Latinos may go through and suffer some of those same biases, for women the sexism, it just becomes overwhelming at times…It took me 14 years to get to Congress and it doesn't have to be that way with a little help, right? It doesn't take that long for men to get to Congress, oftentimes because they have a compadre that shows them the way, or they have organizations. (Interview with Democratic U.S. Representative Norma Torres [CA-35])

 

The complexity of these intersecting dynamics meant that Latina candidates often struggled to bridge communities and weave together support while bringing their whole selves to their campaigns. Democrat Candace Valenzuela, who ran for the open seat  in Texas’ 24th congressional district in 2020, described confronting both colorism and building coalitions as she brought together white, Black, and Latino communities.

"I've always seen myself, my whole life, as a coalition builder because I've lived at a nexus of these cultures, both Black and Latino, and...the predominant white American culture. I grew up on the border, so just growing up in El Paso has shaped the way that I view things.  I think people like to bring themselves to their campaigns, and I was very much like, okay, I'm not going to pick one identity or another identity. I'm going to be very much who I've been my whole life, which is all of these things, and it was not always easy.

Visually people cannot separate me, and I experienced a lot of colorism growing up with Latino communities. I sometimes can feel like an outsider with Black American communities too. It's a difficult line to walk, even when you're not walking it politically. In terms of official institutional support, everybody I came to said, ‘Yeah, of course you're ours. You're ours and we accept you and we love you. We know that you're going to be a faithful caucus member and work for communities because we see you busting your butt all of the time anyway.’ I got broad acceptance, but I definitely got some fire from folks for different things. I had a lot of white people saying, ‘She's not Black enough,’ and a few Black people, but more white people than Black people were like, ‘Is she really Black?’ And I'm just like, ‘No, no.’"

For many Latina candidates, their relationships to their family history provided the strongest connection to race and ethnicity, and this personal history figured significantly into their development and their political practice. This included their position as mothers (for those who had children), as grandmothers, and as multigenerational caretakers to older parents and extended family.

"Because of my upbringing is that it took me so long to, to get involved in politics. Because in Mexico, you might as well be a drug dealer. If you're going to be involved in politics, it's the same corruption. And so, for my parents, it was very hard for them to accept that I wanted to be in politics, but now they’re staunch Republicans. And I told my dad – my dad's 85 – he said that when I go and pass out flyers, he wants to go with me. And so now it's ON. And my daddy still wants to protect me. So, I'm like, ‘dad, you're going to get tired.’ And he says, ‘It's okay mi’ja… just put a chair there for me.’”  (Interview with 2020/2022 Republican candidate Irene Armendariz-Jackson [TX-16])

Even within these expressions of intersectional identity there were differences between Latina Democrats and Latina Republicans. For example, conservative Christian religious identity and religious affiliation figured strongly into the candidacy and political agenda of several Latinas Republicans.

“Well, I got involved in about 2016 in politics. I had been apolitical and my voting record was very nothing to brag about…My husband was sent to Washington, D.C. because he is a border patrol agent. He just retired in December, but because of his work, he was sent there and we were there for six months because I am a Christian woman. I felt that the Lord was letting me know that we, the church needed to invade the halls of Congress and change the laws to reflect the values that this country was founded on, and they were God, family, and country. And so, when I came back, I made the decision to get involved civically — not a lot of conservative or Republican groups here in El Paso. And they were very hard to find, but I was immediately thrusted into helping in a campaign, which was for the congressional candidate at that time." (Interview with 2020/2022 Republican candidate Irene Armendariz-Jackson[TX-16])

Some Republican Latina candidates viewed their campaigns as part of a larger “culture war” and embraced the fight over abortion access, as well as limiting rights to gender identity and expression.

"The war really is… a culture war, a culture campaign. Understanding that is, is a goal. Because it's not the same. If I go up to somebody and tell them, hey, do you believe in your sex amendment to an 80-year-old Mexican born naturalized citizen? That it's not gonna resonate. And I said, do you believe in abortion? No. Why? Because it's murder...and I tell them, well [my opponent] supports abortion and [other Democrat] supports abortion up until birth." (Interview with 2020/2022 Republican candidate Irene Armendariz-Jackson [TX-16])

“It's so different. Sometimes when I see things are happening, where they attack our childrens with all the indoctrination, with the lesbian, all those things, I get like, ‘Oh, I need to do something. I need to open my mouth. I need to teach the community. I need to open their eyes and let them know what is happening.” (Interview with 2018 Republican candidate Jazmina Saavedra [CA-44])

Some Latina Republicans even echoed the deeply racialized messages centered in the Trump campaign that targeted and vilified Latinas/os/xs and specifically Latina/o/x immigrants.

"But at least we need to learn the language when we get here, we need to love and respect the law and make this country better, not even worse. Because sadly, I can say one of the reasons why California is terrible is because there is a lot of Hispanic present in California and we bringing all the bad things that we used to do in our country, and we bring our culture here which is not the best. I'm sorry to say it, but as Hispanic, we don't bring our best from our culture to the United States. So, we need to educate ourselves because the way the politician make decisions, at the end, they're affecting our regular life. Our kids at school, our businesses, our economy, and everything." (Interview with 2018 Republican candidate Jazmina Saavedra [CA-44]))

"I think Trump made it to where he was so loud that Hispanics started listening and saying, ‘You're right, you're right’. And people say, ‘oh, well, he called Mexicans this and that,’ I'm sorry, but the shoe didn't fit me, so I'm not gonna wear it. Now with my husband being border patrol, absolutely. There's rapists and drug dealers and prostitutes that cross illegally all the time, pedophiles, domestic violence, criminals, they do. And we gotta understand that this is our country. I don't care if you're brown, white, Black, this is our country. And I don't care if you're my cousin. If you come to my country illegally, you're gonna get kicked out.” (Interview with 2020/2022 Republican candidate Irene Armendariz [TX-16])

Notably, there were also Latina Republican candidates who took concerted steps to distance themselves from such openly racialized messaging. While Latina Democrats were more attuned to the relentless racialized targeting of Latina/o/x communities, especially in the 2018 and 2020 election seasons, some Latina Republicans expressed concern and even opposition to language that demeaned Latina/o/x immigrants. Republican Asusena Resendiz, who ran in an open seat in Texas’ 13th congressional district in 2020, recalls pushing back against another Republican candidate deploying anti-Mexican rhetoric during a candidate forum:

“He was all about, ‘Mexicans have no business coming into this country without their papers. They don’t need to visit anyone…They don’t need to visit anyone. If they’re going to continue to send money home to their families, why are they here?’…Oh, my gosh. Okay — that was an opportunity for me to also say, ‘Let me tell you why we send money to our families.’ But I'm the only one that was, can't even say debating, but I was debating candidates to defend immigration…. I’m more proud of my heritage now than I was just three years ago maybe. I think it's because I felt that I fought the good fight. And now that I feel that I have some of these battle scars.”

These candidates often had to walk a fine line within their own party as they were pushed to adhere to messaging that was gendered or racialized and invited to openly advocate for Trump, even as they opposed both the message and messenger. Ultimately, complex forms of intersectional identity resounded throughout the campaigns of Latina congressional candidates. These expressions of identity sometimes manifest as forms of resistance to gender and racialized norms and obstacles, while in other instances they manifest as traditions and customs drawn from cultural backgrounds that grounded the candidate. While these identities were not always expressed in language that was explicitly racialized or gendered, collectively they represented perspectives drawn from lived experiences within Latina/o/x communities that consistently advanced issues, narratives, and positions that they believed served those populations.

“Running for Our Lives”: Confronting Racism, Sexism, and Escalating Political Violence

Tethered to their discussion of identity, Latina congressional candidates repeatedly recalled encounters with forms of racism, sexism, and blatant forms of anti-Latina/o/x discrimination. Several noted that these manifested in increasingly aggressive and hostile confrontations including organized political violence, such as the January 6th insurrection that drew white supremacists to the capital animated by intersecting forms of racism, sexism, heterosexism, transphobia, and efforts to undermine democratic transition. Research centered on violence against women in politics (VAWIP) confirms these threats, noting that political violence increasingly targets women of color — whose very presence in largely white political institutions disrupts and transgresses norms of whiteness and masculinity and whose work often challenges intersecting modes of inequality and subordination to represent marginalized communities (Amnesty International 2018; Herrick, Thomas, Franklin, Godwin, Gnabasik, and Schroedel 2021; Krook 2017; Krook 2020; Krook & Restrepo Sanín 2016; Rodriguez 2020; Thomas and Herrick 2022; Thomas, Franklin, Godwin, Gnabasik and Schroedel 2019; U.S. Capitol Police 2022.).  

For some Latinas serving in Congress, the escalating violence invoked past trauma, such as the violence encountered by immigrants escaping authoritarian governments, economic upheaval, and militarized unrest. Democratic Congresswoman Norma Torres (CA-35) fled political violence in Guatemala with her family at age five and, following thousands of other Central American migrants, sought refuge in the U.S. As a naturalized immigrant who had witnessed state violence, the insurrection prompted painful parallels with the conditions faced by her family in Guatemala.

“I get a little emotional because I think about that day [the insurrection on January 6th] and being a woman of color, an immigrant, and the same reasons why my parents sent me to the U.S. What my parents were trying to protect me from experiencing, I experienced in the U.S. Congress. Think about that for a moment, how violent of a work environment it has become. And even as we were running for our lives, I remember talking to a reporter who reports on Latin America, and he asked the question, ‘Wow, you're an immigrant from Guatemala. This is something that happens there quite often.’ And I responded to him with, ‘Yes, this is what my parents sent me to the US to protect me from.’ So, I think that more than ever the sacrifice is real and it has to be done.”
 

Notably, Congresswoman Torres linked her election to office and commitment to service in the face of escalating threats to a strongly held relationship with her district, one grounded in her own identity, and she pledged to defend and protect marginalized communities who were increasingly the targets of racialized and gendered attacks. 

While the impacts of escalating threats of violence were prominently noted in interviews with current Latina congressional members, several Latina congressional candidates also described racialized and gendered threats stemming from the resurgence of white supremacy. Reflecting on her 2020 campaign in Texas’ 24th congressional district and the types of racist comments and scrutiny she experienced as an Afro-Latina, Democrat Candace Valenzuela noted:

“We had a significant transition in March of 2020 when we had the pandemic. I think that the racist echo chamber was enhanced by the fact that people were locked in their homes with Fox News, that they were locked in their homes with a great deal of access to misinformation, to some really bad campaigns...I was going up against the Fox News apparatus and that is something that is a significant bolster to the racism and misinformation. It's astounding to me that they are able to say some of the things that they say, like the replacement theory — the idea that we are intentionally coming in to replace people. These are things that people hear and believe and there were lots of people just taking aim at me from that perspective. So, I had a lot of people who spent time wearing me down.”
 

The intense psychological, emotional, and physical impacts of racist narratives such as the replacement theory and its amplification and enabling among conservative media generated costs for Latina candidates such as Valenzuela that extended far beyond the election outcome. For some candidates such as Democrat Virginia Madueno, who challenged a sitting incumbent in California’s 10th congressional district in 2018, the violence took its toll as it extended to her children, even after she lost the race.

“You raised a little bit about it, but that is the toll that a campaign takes on a family. I say this, because when I started, my twins were four or five and my oldest was eight. And I'm still dealing, to this day, with the fallout of what my politics did for my children, so bad that when my oldest son was a freshman in high school, my son was beaten. My son was beaten so badly that we had to remove him from that school, and it's because of my politics. Going to his high school three days after the incident and to hear the police sergeant ask me if I had any enemies, because the assault on my son was unprovoked, the assault on my son was so random. To hear that, it really gives me so much heartache and pain to think that... And my husband tells me and reminds me it wasn't my fault, but I do feel responsible, if you will, for some of these traumas that I have put on my family. Politics is a blood sport. It really is."

One of the most common and pervasive forms of abuse and harassment occurred through email and social media platforms, where trolls are rewarded for incendiary messaging and relative anonymity makes accountability harder. Republican candidate Irene Armendariz-Jackson (TX-16) noted, “there were trolls on social media calling me derogatory names saying, ‘go back to Mexico,’ ‘pura India,’…’wet back.’” Democratic candidate Roza Calderon (CA-4) recalled being hyper-scrutinized and undermined for her appearance:

“I was continuously attacked just on my looks. As a Latina you know we like to wear our red lipstick, and we love to wear our high heels, our femininity as part of our power. But I was written letters constantly about how I was the reason why women were not advancing in the workforce, the reason why women had to aspire to look a certain way.”

 

While the preponderance of Latina candidates who reported online harassment described aggressors as associated with white supremacist, alt-right, and conservative groups, escalating harassment and threatening behavior weren’t confined to one party or ideological sector. Running in a highly competitive race in the 50th congressional district of California in 2020, Democrat Marisa Calderon recounted threatening behavior from supporters of her Democratic challenger.

“The bulk of the opposition and trolling and the vitriol that was in our direction — it came from the other Democrat, and really the other Democratic operatives if you will. From the moment of filing in the district, we were at the registrar's office and a person from the other Democrat's campaign was shouting at us in the registrar's office so much so that my campaign manager had to serve as a body shield to keep that person from entering my space. And we were accosted verbally on the streets, same person shouting at us, none of which I feel like would've happened had I been a man. It was gendered stuff meant to try and intimidate me. And, truth be told, it's alarming when a grown man who is larger than you starts shouting at you in a public crowded space. It doesn't feel good, and it doesn't feel good to have to lean on another person to help to make you feel safe in that space. I consider myself to be a pretty independent person, but I didn't feel safe with that man yelling at me.”

Calderon’s description highlights another recurring element in the candidate interviews; namely, how frequently the violence draws on forms of aggressive masculinity to intimidate and undermine the safety, security, and autonomy of Latinas in order to push them out of the political process. In this case, Calderon needed a physical shield simply to file her candidacy papers. Elsewhere, women described needing bodyguards and support from local law enforcement or capitol police to ensure the safety of themselves, their staff, or family members in their daily work.

Krook (2020) notes that for women of color in politics the increasing violence both stems from enduring forms of racial and gendered inequality and is uniquely tailored to undermine, discredit, deter, and deny their existence in politics. In this way the violence is not merely an extension of partisan competition nor a “gendered extension of existing definitions of political violence privileging physical aggressions,” but rather a collection of practices intent on denying women’s participation as women in politics (p. 3). Moreover, intersectional violence results in attacks on the policies and practices advanced by women of color to address inequalities among their constituencies as well as attacks intent on curtailing their ability to merely exist in the political office and public life. This was especially true among Latina candidates and congressional members who advanced immigration reform either in their prior political career, in their campaigns, or found themselves challenging racialized practices of immigration reform in their districts. Democratic candidate Virginia Madueno (CA-10) relayed such challenges during her campaign:

“I went against the grain here in my community with law enforcement when I saw the injustices that were being committed against undocumented citizens, especially those that were driving without a license and who were being pulled over for just the most random of incidents, whose cars were being taken away... Families were calling me, and one in particular where they left the newborn child and husband on the side of the road. That is the type of thing that I dealt with as a mayor…. I spoke out, and I stood out because I spoke out. And I think that's what has created, I guess, that target. I have seen some candidates come out pretty unscathed, not to the level of what I have seen or had to endure in my campaign. Is it still ugly? You bet it is. Incredibly ugly.”

While it is too soon to know the full impact of escalating violence, initial reports suggest a reduction in vital election service providers and election administrators across the country (Bump 2021). Potential long-term effects include more women who are targets of racialized and gendered abuse leaving office, cutting short their terms or their candidacies, or avoiding public office altogether. Undermining the candidacy or tenure of Latinas in Congress and Latina candidates not only threatens the political institutions, it specifically undermines advances in racial and gender justice, inclusion, and expanded forms of democratic representation embodied in their work.

“Wait Your Turn”: Latina Candidates Share Conflict with Major Parties and Civic Organizations

Support from major political parties and high-profile civic organizations such as EMILY’s List and BOLD PAC are instrumental to the success of any candidate’s election (and re-election) to Congress and this is especially true for candidates traditionally marginalized from formal political processes. The relationships that Latina congressional candidates detailed with their affiliated political parties were complicated and often troubled by a history of racism, sexism, and harassment, as well as formal and informal practices that excluded Latinas from participating and undermined their campaigns altogether. In many instances the barriers centered on leadership or practices within local or state party groups that deterred their candidacy. In other cases, it was party operatives or surrogates who they described turning on them, creating obstacles, or simply dissuading them from running. Less frequently, the candidates pointed to road blocks within national party structures. Several Latinas – even those who spoke of having productive relationships with their party – were told “wait your turn,” pointing to a lineage of potential candidates that didn’t include them. Democratic candidate Marisa Calderon (CA-50), who ran for an open seat in 2020, described a patronizing experience she had with a male congressional member who tried to block her candidacy:

“There was a member of Congress who called me ‘young lady,’ – ‘Listen up, young lady – we already have a qualified candidate in this race.’ That same member of Congress interfered with donor calls. The institutional Democrats in particular say things like ‘you're going to split the vote, fracture the vote, wait your turn.’ All of these things are really code for the sort of gendered issues that we’re talking about because it's no one's turn. It's not even like we're talking about an incumbent. This was an open seat!”

 

These types of obstacles led to inconsistent and fragmented forms of support from the candidates’ political parties and in many cases ardent barriers to their campaigns. While some Latinas, such as Republican candidate Irene Armendariz-Jackson, described receiving initial positive support for her candidacy; this proved to be short-lived as she failed to receive significant endorsements, funding, staffing, volunteer support, and even detailed open opposition from within the state Republican party aimed against her:

"The opposition came from really within the party. Two weeks before the election I had the gentleman that I actually helped for 2018. He became the chairman. He sent out a mass email saying he didn't support me. Wow. And this is the Republican chairman? Yes. He turned his back on me. Yes. And I volunteered for free and did a lot of coordination for him for a year and two months." (Interview with 2020/2022 Republican candidate Irene Armendariz [TX-16])

Even Latina Democrats from California with a history of prior political experience and strong party affiliation described facing obstacles and opposition from within their own party. Democratic Representative Norma Torres (CA-35), who ran as an incumbent in 2018, 2020, and 2022, and who had a long history of prior elected experience as a city council member, mayor, assembly representative, and state senator before successfully running for Congress in 2014, described the racialized and gendered barriers she encountered from within her party.

“I reached out to the DCCC [Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee] and there were no return calls. So, I really started thinking hard about where my place was. I was very welcome in the [California State] Senate, as I said. I didn't want to be in a place where I was not going to be welcome as a new member...I was shocked when the DCCC didn't exactly turn me away but refused to help in any way. There was another woman, a white woman from San Francisco who was an attorney, and there were two other white males that were running on the Democratic ticket. And I have to tell you that it became very personal for me that here I wasn't a nobody running in a district from San Francisco, a district that is a freight corridor with 70+ percent Latino, poor working-class community. I actually represented that district. And I was very proud of it, but the rejection was really difficult for me.

There was a reporter from Central America that at one point contacted the DCCC for a comment. And his take was this is history in the making — the first Central American in Congress that was an immigrant and can really speak to those issues. He didn't exactly quote what was said to him, but when I talked to him, he said: ‘You really should rethink running because I don't think they want you there.’ And that was really hard to hear because once again, we should be looking to increase the number of women. We have a big tent and that is what I am most proud of. Either way I ended up running. I did not allow them to put me in a box. I felt by then this was my seat, and I was going to own it. And I did [win] by 64%.”

While relationships between Latina congressional candidates and the major political parties were complicated and often inconsistent, additional organizations played a key role in the emergence of Latina candidates in 2018, 2020, and 2022. This included a range of labor organizations, EMILY's List, the Latino Victory Fund, and Bold PAC. Among progressives, national organizations such as Our Revolution and Justice Democrats provided support particularly in the form of volunteers and endorsements. In addition, a number of non-partisan groups provided additional candidate training and information, especially for first-time candidates, including groups such as Emerge, Higher Heights, and PODER. Of these non-partisan organizations, EMILY’s List elicited the most feedback. For experienced high-profile candidates such as Democratic Congresswoman Sylvia Garcia (TX-29) who had prior elected experience, a strong pro-choice record, and had previously run a congressional campaign in 1992, support from EMILY’s List, Latino Victory Fund, and Bold PAC came swift and strong.

“In 2018, when the day that I decided to do [run for Congress], before I could even call them, the Latino Victory Fund called me immediately that very night, and said, ‘Sylvia, we're so excited. We've worked with you so much as a senator and as a commissioner. We're with you. We're going to help you. No matter who else runs, whether or not it's going to be a Latina, we're with you.’ EMILY's List called that evening and said, ‘Hey, we were with you in '92. We're there with you, and we're sending someone over.’ They sent someone that very next day, somebody flew in and started working on putting our plan together and building on what my team and I had already started in terms of lining up endorsements.”

Candidates such as Democrat Virginia Madueno, who challenged a sitting incumbent in 2018 in California’s 10th congressional district, also described a supportive relationship with both EMILY’s List and Bold PAC.

“I was introduced early on to EMILY's List, and EMILY's List really took a robust role in my campaign, and they did interview the other two women candidates, but they really felt that I was the kind of candidate that they could get behind. I ultimately earned their support and they had people on the ground floor here helping me. I wish that they had come in a lot earlier because I would've made other decisions in terms of campaign management that I clearly came in very late on. They came in, but I really felt like the boat was already sinking by the time that they had come in. But they were incredible and incredibly helpful, resourceful. They were just phenomenal. Just absolutely phenomenal in that regard…. Bold PAC specifically, also another big entity that came through and helped. Not only did they help financially, but they also came in and helped with mentoring, with bringing in other candidates that we started to develop, again, a rapport so that we could check in on one another. Again, they were incredibly, incredibly helpful.”

Latina candidates without prior elected experience and especially those new to congressional campaigning described a much different experience with EMILY’s List. Democrat Marisa Calderon, who originally filed to run in an open seat race in the 53rd congressional district in California in 2020, was persuaded to switch districts and run in the more conservative leaning and less crowded adjacent district (CA-50) after discussions with representatives from EMILY’s List. However, she described a more lackluster and disappointing response to her campaign after making the switch:

“In reality, because it was a right-leaning district, because there was another Democrat, not an incumbent, but just another Democrat running, a lot of those [non-party related] groups just sat out and kind of took a wait and see approach. Frankly, including EMILY’s List, which I personally found to be surprising. I didn't have prior experience with EMILY’s List…their name is an acronym for exactly what they didn't end up doing...They encouraged me to jump in and then they said: ‘We'll wait and see what happens. Good luck with that!’

There was no early money, and I don't run that company, I don't work there, so there's probably lots of reasons for that, many of which I'm sure makes sense. They didn't make sense for me. It would've been helpful in making a difference because ultimately organizations like that are especially helpful to candidates who don't have huge institutional backing because they can make the difference and help to make you competitive in a race where you might not otherwise be. Instead, what happens is that organizations like that decide they're going to sit on the sidelines, and it sort of becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.”

In addition to the aforementioned organizations, several Latina candidates also pointed to PODER Pac and the 2016 Hilary Clinton presidential campaign as being instrumental to their own campaigns for Congress. Professional associations, trade groups, and small business coalitions also proved significant, especially for first time candidates and Latinas seeking early support.

In spite of their non-profit status, a number of Latina candidates also described receiving support for their campaigns from local churches and affiliated religious groups, particularly evangelical church groups.

"We went to a lot of Spanish speaking, evangelical churches, and they opened the door to our message, especially because it's a pro-life message. I had a pastor who was a Trump hater at one time. He came, he texted me the morning of the elections, and he said,  'I want you to know that we have never had a candidate like you to represent the church.' And so, from there we gained a lot. The Spanish-speaking megachurches did not open the door to us. It was all these little 200, 300-member, 50 member churches that opened the door to us. (Interview with 2020/2022 Republican candidate Irene Armendariz [TX-16]).

Ultimately, early support from both state parties, EMILY’s List and BOLD Pac made the most difference in the success of Latina candidate campaigns and the absence or inconsistency of such support were most frequently raised as barriers to the candidate’s success.

“Comadrismo:” Latinas Mobilizing, Mentoring, and Supporting Each Other

A key response to the barriers that many Latinas congressional candidates encountered from the major political parties and civic organizations was to form alternative modes of support including creating their own mentoring, fundraising, and marketing networks. Several candidates built coalitions and collaborations with other Latinas, with other women of color, and with other women to fill gaps in fundraising and support left by the major political parties. Democrat Jana Sanchez, who ran for an open seat in Texas’ 6th congressional district in 2018, described an ad hoc coalition of Democratic women that came together during her run. The group emerged organically among women in Texas who shared skills and resources as they ran for Congress.

“We got to meet each other through [Democratic Party] events, and then through text, because it all grew, and everybody said, 'Let me introduce you to my friend, who's running for Congress.' I mean, there were 40 of us. We called ourselves ‘Women on Fire.’ We even did a joint fundraising event. We had an Act Blue page where, if you gave to one, then you'd get a thing that popped up and say, ‘Hey, do you want to give to everybody else?’ And we'd split the money. It wasn't a ton of money, but it was a couple thousand dollars extra that we wouldn't have raised. There were three women who got elected to the state House and the rest of us did not win, but everybody, almost without exception, has stayed involved in politics and has gone on to do other things, either run for other offices, or run other campaigns. Like I said, one of my colleagues from the Women on Fire is now the chair of the Tarrant County Democratic Party. One is a state rep, and she's actually running for lieutenant governor now. Two others are state reps as well. Also, we're all mentoring other women, and supporting other women who run now. And that didn't exist before.”

This kind of candidate organizing parallels voter engagement efforts targeting the Latina/o/x electorate that have been crucial to addressing the limitations in major party outreach, education, registration, and mobilization of Latina/o/x voters (AAPI Civic Engagement Fund & Groundswell Fund 2019). These forms of lateral mobilization have proven significant to increasing the numbers of registered Latina/o/x voters and getting them out during the 2018, 2020, and 2022 elections. Latinas played significant roles as leaders and organizers in these outreach and mobilization efforts through progressive, liberal, conservative, and even religious groups operating nationally and in targeted races such as Voto Latino, Mi Famila Vota, Mijente, National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference, United We Dream, and UNITE HERE.

For several Latina congressional candidates running in 2018, 2020 and 2022, these forms of alternative organizing emerged in new networks, organizations, and structures of support that helped to alleviate marginalization, opposition, and alienation from their own party and from groups such as EMILY’s List. They also translated into supporting existing non-profits, PACS and 501c (4) organizations that were already engaged in capacity building and fundraising for women in some form. For candidates such as Candace Valenzuela, who ran and lost in an open seat in Texas’ 24th congressional district in 2020, these alternative networks provided resources, advice, and advocacy that helped bridge her personal and professional life as a candidate through the pandemic.   

“On my own, I've been reinvesting in local infrastructure. I've been helping women to think about running for local office and run for local office. Some of the women that I've helped out with an organization I work with called Vote Mama, they've won...They're an organization that helps women running for any office with school-aged children or children with disabilities. Vote Mama also has a nonprofit arm that works on persuading people to do better policies for women, specifically paid or allowing mothers to use campaign funds to pay for childcare while they're running for office, and everything in between. We talk a lot about breastfeeding policy and making accommodations for those things. It’s a really incredible organization that's just working on seeing mothers in political infrastructure.

This organization was very supportive for all three of my cycles. As a PAC they gave me $5,000 each cycle, and they were moral support. They did help me to navigate the legal structure of using my federal campaign funds for childcare, especially when the pandemic hit, and I had to hire a nanny because I couldn't send my kids to daycare anymore. I needed to have a private person, which is way more than daycare. And it was untenable to do without that help.”

The supportive networks also elicited forms of comadrismo; in other words, communities of care that extended to friendships, political advocacy, as well as care for the social and emotional well-being of each other. In some cases, the comadrismo manifested as care for other Latinas drawn from a shared knowledge and sense of linked fate for the struggle and challenges each faced in running for Congress in a racialized and gendered environment hostile to their interests. In other cases, comadrismo manifested as affection built through years of trust, generosity, joy, and kindness as they worked in similar professional circles and built personal relationships predicated on support. Ultimately, the forms of comadrismo were both pragmatic and empathetic and tethered to their efforts to find more just, humane, and equitable ways of serving. Democratic Representatives Veronica Escobar (TX-16) and Sylvia Garcia (TX-29) embodied this comadrismo as they cheered each other on during through their historic candidacies and continued to advocate for each other as they entered Congress together in 2018. Escobar explained:

“I've known Sylvia for probably 16 years. She was a county commissioner when I was a county commissioner in 2007, and we were both part of the same policy organization. In that policy group, I got to know her, and I just loved her, we became instant friends and we just stayed in touch. She went on to the state Senate, I then went on to become county judge, which is the head of county government, and we followed each other's careers. When I knew she was running – and of course I knew that Texas had never had a Latina – I remember thinking, ‘Oh my God, it would be amazing if Sylvia and I could break this glass ceiling together.’ And then we did!

We try to do a lot together. So sometimes on our Twitter feed, it's the two of us, and we address each other as comadre in hearings, and it's wonderful. When I tweet at her, I'm like, 'Comadre,' you know. That's been the most special of all, is it's not just a friend and not just a fellow Latina, but a dear friend and fellow Latina who kind of broke that barrier with me together.”

Finally, common throughout the interviews was a mindfulness about using avenues of support (both formal and ad hoc) to address the entrenched racism, sexism, and escalating political violence aimed at women in politics that they experienced. Far from atomized efforts intent on strengthening personal resolve, many of the women formed supportive coalitions with other Latinas and women of color similarly situated around the country, pressed for accountability against trolls and attackers, and made significant investments in therapy and recovery for themselves and those around them left traumatized by their runs for office. In short, the women tethered care for themselves to coalition building, accountability, and efforts to address the increasingly hostile environment for women of color.  Reflecting on both the trauma and recovery she endured after a deeply racialized and abusive campaign season in 2020, Democrat Candace Valenzuela [TX-24] reiterates this theme:

“I was getting all kinds of terrible things thrown at me. And there's an intellectual part of my head that said the people who are yelling the loudest aren't representative of what the entire district is like. And those people that are yelling the loudest are not the people who are struggling to eat.

I can't speak for every candidate of color. We don't have the same hard luck story. But we come to this process, I think, with a significant amount of trauma and we spend our lives dealing with that trauma by helping other people. And this process is so punishing that it almost takes you out harder than somebody who's just good intentioned and has had a relatively easy experience. It eats a certain chunk out of you. And I'm lucky that after my campaign, I was able to have the space. I had the access to healthcare.

I still advise campaigns right now and I tell every candidate I run across, they need to have a therapist that they're regularly talking to so that they can treat themselves well and so that they can treat their staff well and so they can treat their family well, because abuse becomes pretty bad.”

Valenzuela’s account underscores the hidden labor and unaccounted costs of Latinas and women of color whose path to national office often happens without the needed support from the major political parties and civic organizations. It speaks both to their endurance and resilience in the face of challenges but more important the vital need to attend to these costs — especially with structured and resourced support that understands their intersecting needs and interests.

Conclusion

In the 2018, 2020 and 2022 general elections, more Latina candidates ran in national races as major party candidates than at any other point in U.S. history and won election to Congress. Half the field of Latina candidates emerged from just two states: California and Texas. California continued to elect and re-elect more Latinas to Congress; however, more Latina candidates emerged from Texas during this period, including a growing contingent of Latina Republicans. 

Between 2017 and 2023 the number of Latinas elected to Congress doubled, and by the start of the 118th congressional session there were 19 Latinas serving as voting members in national office, including 13 Latina Democratic House Representatives, 5 Latina Republican Representatives, and one Latina Democrat serving in the U.S. Senate. Despite significant growth at the national level, Latinas constitute only 2.8% of Congress and continue to be dramatically under-represented at the highest levels of U.S. politics. Moreover, Latina candidates continue to face barriers in their candidacy, including opposition from other Latinas and racialized and gendered obstacles within their own party, as well as escalating forms of harassment and political violence intended to block their candidacy or undermine their careers in national office.

A key response to the barriers that many Latina congressional candidates encountered was to form alternative modes of support including creating their own mentoring, fundraising, and marketing networks and organizations. These alternative modes of organizing built upon their own intersectional identities and extended principally to other Latinas and other women of color. The support also emerged in forms of comadrismo and a community of care for each other and for other Latinas that extended to friendships, political advocacy, and socio-emotional care. Examining the emergence of Latinas as national candidates within both major parties in the past three election cycles reveals both new pathways and possibilities and new obstacles and challenges to their election. Ultimately, understanding these challenges and opportunities are particularly important as we look for ways to expand democratic representation for Latinas in the country and to expand the pipeline of Latina leadership beyond local and state office to national office.

Prescriptions and Next Steps

Invest in growing Latina congressional representation.

• Despite constituting almost 10% of the total U.S. population, over 18% of all women in the U.S., and half of the largest racial/ethnic minority community, Latinas are vastly underrepresented at just 2.8% of the entire congressional body.
• Congress retains exclusive control over a number of political issues that disproportionately impact Latina/o/x communities such as immigration.

Continue to support and invest in Latina congressional candidates from California and Texas while working to expand opportunities for Latinas outside of these two states.

• California and Texas have the largest population centers of Latinas and more than half of all Latina congressional candidates have emerged from these two states in the past three congressional elections.
  • Investments in these states – particularly outside the urban centers and in the California Central Valley and Texas Lower Rio Grande Valley – will help to build electoral capacity in historically underserved areas and support the next generation of Latina leaders
  • Investing in training and early support for Latina candidates in states and districts with a critical or growing capacity of Latina/o/x voters – such as Arizona, Colorado, Florida, Illinois, New Mexico, New York, and New Jersey – will increase the competitiveness of Latina candidates and the likelihood of electing additional Latina candidates to Congress.

Be attentive to strategies that increasingly pit Latinas against each other and against other women of color; stymieing any Latina advantage.

• Hold party leaders accountable in recruiting and supporting candidates to ensure Latinas solicited to run have the experience and capacity to make a competitive run and are not simply used as political tokens or weapons aimed against other Latinas.
• Dissuade party leaders from flooding the primary in open seat elections or newly redistricted areas, reducing the likelihood that emerging Latina candidates will be able to advance to the general election.
• Correct media narratives that trade in misinformation or incomplete information that can lead to stereotyping (e.g., All Latinas speak Spanish, all Latinas are Democrats, “Brown wave” of Latina Republicans taking over in 2022).

Recognize and address the distinctly gendered and racialized forms of violence and harassment confronted by Latina candidates and officeholders as a threat to democracy.

• Immediate impacts include additional costs borne by women for security at home and work and additional security concerns for family members, including children and dependents, curtailed in-person office hours and events that impact both constituent relationships and fundraising, backlash for support on policies specifically targeted to shield or support vulnerable and marginalized populations (e.g., immigration reform).
• Potential long-term effects include more women who are targets of racialized and gendered abuse leaving office, cutting short their terms or their candidacies, or avoiding public office altogether. Undermining the candidacy or tenure of Latinas in Congress and Latina candidates not only threatens the political institutions, it specifically undermines advances in racial and gender justice, inclusion, and expanded forms of democratic representation embodied in their work.
• Recognize that forms of targeted harassment and political violence aimed at women and people of color in office are increasing and need to be specifically named, tracked, and addressed at the local, state, and national levels.
• Seek out coalitions and alliances that not only protect and aid women who are experiencing targeted violence but also provide social, political, cultural, and mental support.

Challenge discouragement from established party organizations, leaders, and surrogates to Latina candidacies.

• Be aware of formal or informal practices that exclude Latina candidates from running or receiving necessary financial and political support (e.g., lists of viable replacement candidates or lines of succession that exclude Latinas, outdated nomination practices, party patronage practices that only benefit men).

Create more formalized and accessible support infrastructures for Latinas that are attentive to their distinct realities.

• Pressure parties and civic organizations, including women’s organizations, to create or bolster opportunities attentive to their intersectional positions and identities.  
  • Recognize unique location as women of color and the intersecting modes of subordination at work in their lives that also weighed on their campaigns. Don’t assume strategies or programs that are gender- or race-neutral will be sufficient to attend to the needs of Latina candidates.
  • Create non-partisan training and political education programs for Latina candidates, particularly in states and districts with smaller or emerging contingent of Latina/o/x voters or who lack networks of support and prior patterns of Latina election to office.
  • Seek out and invite Latina community leaders to participate in formal party committees, infrastructure, and organization, especially in ways that support their interests and identities.
  • Support mindful mentoring of Latinas at all stages of their political development.
  • Recognize colorism, machismo, and maternalism as problematic patterns that work against Latinas and frequently occur in progressive organizations intended to support women and people of color.
• Support Latinas who take on the work of creating networks of their own and compensate the labor and costs incurred in developing supportive Latina-led networks.
  • Recognize that the communities of care and comadrismo shared among Latinas are an important space that needs to be sustained for the benefit of individual candidates as well as traditional parties.

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