Publications

Drawing on surveys and case studies of party leaders and legislators in six states, the author analyzes the links between parties and representation, exposing the mechanism by which parties’ informal recruitment practices shape who runs – or doesn’t run – for political office in the United States. 

This chapter reviews and analyzes women's candidacies and officeholding across the 50 states, with particular attention to women's in state elections in 2004. Sanbonmatsu asserts that the pattern of women's representation in the states is a map to the future of women's opportunities for the highest echelons of American politics, noting that some states provide more favorable environments for women candidates than others. 

Gender and Elections offers a systematic, lively, multi-faceted account of the role of gender in the electoral process through the 2004 elections. This volume strikes a balance between highlighting the most important developments for women as voters and candidates in the 2004 elections and providing a more long-term, in-depth analysis of the ways that gender has helped shape the contours and outcomes of electoral politics in the United States. Individual chapters demonstrate the importance of gender in understanding and interpreting presidential elections, voter participation and turnout, voting choices, congressional elections, the participation of African American women, the support of

This article examines differences in print media coverage of Elizabeth Dole and five other Republican contenders for the presidential nomination in 1999. Findings indicate that Dole received a differential amount and type of print media coverage that was decidedly gendered and may have hindered her candidacy. Journalists also repeatedly framed Dole as the “first woman” to be a serious presidential candidate and focused on her gender more than any other aspect of her candidacy, suggesting implicitly, if not explicitly, that she was a novelty in the race rather than a strong contender with a good chance of winning.

This paper examines the question of whether term limits lead to greater diversity among legislators in terms of their gender, race, and ethnicity. Their findings from an analysis of electoral outcomes in states where term limits were in effect in 1998 and 2000 suggest that the answer to the question of whether term limits lead to more diverse legislatures is not straightforward.

This CAWP-funded study explores whether gender is salient in civic engagement. For the most part, author Jenkins determines that “[y]oung women and men appear to be receiving the same cues about politics, elected officials, and the political process.” While young men and women appear to behave in a similar fashion, “young women are distinguishing themselves from young men on some key precursors to engagement, particularly attentiveness and knowledge." 

An analysis of the 2004 elections and disappointing outcomes for women. Findings suggest that the future for women in state government will depend, at least in part, upon the strength of efforts to actively recruit women for both elected and appointed positions. Legislative leaders, political parties, and advocacy organizations can help by renewing their commitment and augmenting their efforts to identify and offer support to potential women candidates, especially in winnable races with open seats or vulnerable incumbents. 

Women have significantly increased their numbers among state government officials over the past several decades. However, despite a recent increase in the number of women governors, women’s progress, especially at the statewide elective and state legislative levels, has slowed. The future for women in state government would seem to depend, at least in part, upon the strength of efforts to actively recruit women for elective and appointive positions.

This comprehensive study of gender equality debates in the party system from 1968 to 2000 reveals the impact that these changes have had on the political parties. It brings new theory, data, and analyses to bear on the questions of party politics, electoral realignment, and the women's movement.  

This study finds that political knowledge of one kind--knowledge about the actual level of women's representation--is related to support for having more women in office. Individuals who underestimate the percentage of women in office are more likely than individuals who know the correct percentage to support increasing women's representation. Meanwhile, individuals who overestimate the percentage of women in office are less likely to support increasing women's representation. Ironically, women are more likely than men to overestimate the presence of women in office.