Political Parties

This report analyzes women’s electoral success in 2022, focusing on the numbers, and puts it into historical context—with special attention to how 2022 compared to the historic elections that preceded it.

The fifth edition of Gender and Elections offers a lively, multi-faceted account of the role of gender in the electoral process through the 2020 elections.

This report is the third in the CAWP Women, Money, and Politics series. Analyzing 2020 campaign contributions data, the report examines state legislative contests with a focus on general elections. It identifies a large gender gap in giving to state legislative elections and examines giving patterns by political party. The report also identifies challenges and opportunities facing women candidates, comparing candidates by party and race/ethnicity. This report is made possible through a collaboration with OpenSecrets.

This report is the second in the CAWP Women, Money, and Politics series. Analyzing 2001-2020 campaign contributions data, the report examines attorney general, secretary of state, and treasurer primary elections and general election contests for all statewide executive offices (other than governor and lt. governor). It identifies challenges and opportunities facing women as donors and candidates with analysis of candidate party and race/ethnicity. This is the companion study to our report on gubernatorial elections, The Money Hurdle. This report is made possible through a collaboration with OpenSecrets.

Measuring women’s electoral success means placing 2020 outcomes into historical and contemporary context. That is the work done in this report, where CAWP breaks down 2020 congressional and state legislative data by gender, race, and party; puts this data into historical context, with specific comparisons to the 2018 election; analyzes women candidates’ paths to office and strategies for success; and looks ahead to what 2020 election outcomes mean for the future of women in American politics.

In our post-primary analysis, we find evidence that more Democratic women are running in 2017 state legislative races than in recent years, but many of them will have to defeat strong incumbents to win. This is particularly true in Virginia, a state where Republicans hold both legislative chambers. In New Jersey, where Democrats control the state legislature, there are fewer opportunities for Democratic challengers, and thus a less significant increase in the number of women nominees in 2017. 

This CAWP report takes stock of the experiences, perspectives, approaches, and influence of women in the U.S. Congress. Drawing upon the CAWP Study of Women in the 114th Congress, entailing original interviews with 83 of the 108 women who served as Senators, Representatives, and Delegates in the 114th Congress (2015-2016), it shows that women members on both sides of the aisle very much believe that their presence and their voices matter. The interviews provide considerable evidence of women's achievements despite the overall environment of gridlock and party polarization in which the women in Congress operate.

We looked at gender and party differences in candidate numbers and success in election 2016 to better understand why women made so little progress in representation. Our data demonstrates, consistent with research to date, that there appears to be no consistent gender disparity in candidate win rates; the real gender disparities exist in the proportions of women and men running at each phase of the electoral process. These conclusions are consistent across party, though the dearth of women candidates is particularly acute in the Republican party. 

In 2017, 104 (78D, 26R) women hold seats in the U.S. Congress, comprising 19.4% of the 535 members; 21 (16D, 5R) women (21%) serve in the U.S. Senate and 83 (62D, 21R) women (19.1%) serve in the U.S. House of Representatives.