Candidates and Campaigns

In an analysis of state legislative election results, the author finds few gender differences in candidates' vote share and success rates—two widely used measures of the status of women candidates. Yet many party leaders report that one gender has an electoral advantage. These party leader perceptions are related to the objective measures of women's electoral success to some extent. However, most analyses reveal a gap between elite perceptions and objective measures of women's status as candidates. This disjuncture suggests that scholars may have overestimated the extent of party leader and voter support for women. 

Drawing on surveys and case studies of party leaders and legislators in six states, the author analyzes the links between parties and representation, exposing the mechanism by which parties’ informal recruitment practices shape who runs – or doesn’t run – for political office in the United States. 

Gender and Elections offers a systematic, lively, multi-faceted account of the role of gender in the electoral process through the 2004 elections. This volume strikes a balance between highlighting the most important developments for women as voters and candidates in the 2004 elections and providing a more long-term, in-depth analysis of the ways that gender has helped shape the contours and outcomes of electoral politics in the United States. Individual chapters demonstrate the importance of gender in understanding and interpreting presidential elections, voter participation and turnout, voting choices, congressional elections, the

This article examines differences in print media coverage of Elizabeth Dole and five other Republican contenders for the presidential nomination in 1999. Findings indicate that Dole received a differential amount and type of print media coverage that was decidedly gendered and may have hindered her candidacy. Journalists also repeatedly framed Dole as the “first woman” to be a serious presidential candidate and focused on her gender more than any other aspect of her candidacy, suggesting implicitly, if not explicitly, that she was a novelty in the race rather than a strong contender with a good chance of winning.

This comprehensive study of gender equality debates in the party system from 1968 to 2000 reveals the impact that these changes have had on the political parties. It brings new theory, data, and analyses to bear on the questions of party politics, electoral realignment, and the women's movement.  

This study finds that political knowledge of one kind--knowledge about the actual level of women's representation--is related to support for having more women in office. Individuals who underestimate the percentage of women in office are more likely than individuals who know the correct percentage to support increasing women's representation. Meanwhile, individuals who overestimate the percentage of women in office are less likely to support increasing women's representation. Ironically, women are more likely than men to overestimate the presence of women in office. 

This study uses original data to investigate the individual-level determinants of voters’ political gender stereotypes. The author finds that beliefs about men’s emotional suitability for politics predict voter stereotypes about the ability of politicians to handle issues, whereas political knowledge predicts voter stereotypes about politicians’ issue positions. Therefore, whereas some political gender stereotypes can primarily be explained by beliefs about the traits of men and women in general, other stereotypes are more related to knowledge about politics. This study suggests that whereas some political gender stereotypes may change if

This report points out that where women run is a critical but overlooked question in studies on women’s successes in running for office. The report finds that candidate emergence and recruitment differs across states. To varying degrees, party recruitment, beliefs about women’s electability, interest groups, and the presence of women legislators, women leaders, and women’s organizations in a state all play a role in the likelihood of a woman running for the legislature.

This volume presents a research agenda, developed by leading scholars of American politics, suggesting directions that could fruitfully shape the study of women and American politics in the early twenty-first century. Contributors suggest approaches, methods, and topics for future research on political recruitment, campaign strategy, money, political leadership, parties and women's organizations, the gender gap in voting and public opinion, media, women of color, and participation outside of conventional electoral politics.